Introduction

Researchers from the School of Political Science and Communication, University of Canterbury compiled this annotated bibliography of publicly accessible material that talks about youth civic participation.

The bibliography is provided on this page and in several forms and formats under downloads to the right.

• A Word document of the full annotated bibliography
• An Endnote library of the complete references.
• An Excel file containing the main details from the references, without the annotations.

If you have any suggestions of other works that could be considered for inclusion in this bibliography then please send full reference details to catt@elections.govt.nz.  You do not need to provide an annotation.

When making use of this bibliography please acknowledge the compilers (Bronwyn Hayward, Timothy Milne, Celia Sheerin and Nicola Wilson-Kelly) and its provision by the Electoral Commission on the Elections New Zealand website, www.elections.org.nz

Aitken - Egerton

Aitken, G. (2005) The Purpose and Substance of Social Studies: Citizenship Education Possibilities. In Benson, P. & Openshaw, R. (Eds.) Towards Effective Social Studies. Palmerston North, Kanuka Grove Press.

In this chapter Graeme Aitken, a senior lecturer in education at AucklandUniversity, argues that citizenship education should be the focus of the New Zealand social studies curriculum - not simply a theme. He draws on Derek Heater’s (1999 and 2004) work to argue that citizenship education should enable children to understand citizenship as: identity (belonging to groups and personal identity), virtue (valuing freedom, fairness, tolerance, truth and reasoning), civil and legal rights, a social concept (receiving welfare support) and a political concept (active participation in public debate). Aitken offers a definition of citizenship education which might teach these skills and encourage student participation in political, economic and social decision making at local, regional, national and international levels. He notes that a New Zealand citizenship curriculum will be pulled between liberal values of freedom of expression and individuality (pluribus) and republican values of unity or social cohesion (unun) as the country diversifies. He argues New Zealand children need both political knowledge and meaningful participation experiences.

Barr, H. (1998) Citizenship education without a text book. Children's Social and Economics Education, 3, 28-35.

This article argues that citizenship education in New Zealand is less structured than in the United States, but suggests it may be more effective at producing confident and informed citizens. Barr notes that New Zealand has high levels of literacy and voter participation in comparison with the United States. 86% of a sample of 100 New Zealand teachers surveyed said they were more likely to discuss citizenship issues in the day-to-day milieu of the classroom than in a formal social studies lesson. 60% of respondents felt good citizenship education teaches children to relate to others as part of a community. Only 2% felt it required ‘understanding our political system’. 7% felt it required skills of thinking and decision making and 12% believed citizenship education required skills of understanding others and learning to respect diversity and difference. Barr also reported on 40 hours of classroom observations which suggest students participated 28% of the day in student-led discussion and 30% in teacher-led discussion. Barr noted children in New Zealand are given considerable responsibility, including road patrol, library duties and group decision making on class camps. These informal opportunities provide a more holistic approach to citizenship education and the development of "confident, informed and responsible" citizens.

Bedolla, L. G. (2000) They and We: Identity, gender and politics among Latino youth in Los Angeles. Social Science Quarterly, 81, 106-122.

The Latino population in the US is forecast to become the largest US minority group by 2010. Bedolla interviewed members of the Mexican-Latino community in California, paying special attention to “socioeconomic mobility”. She conducted fifty semi-structured interviews in order to analyse how ethnic identity influences political attitudes and participation. The article is supported by personal statements from some of the participants, reflecting disenfranchisement whilst also indicating a strong ethnic affiliation. The author argues that gender is an important element, noting that females were frequently involved in community associations but did not express an interest in politics.  In this study, economic position was a less powerful indicator of political attitudes than the lack of “political incorporation” experienced across the ethnic group. However, Bedolla warns that her findings also “caution scholars against treating ethnic communities as monolithic” but should acknowledge the overlapping variables which influence political participation.

Bell, B. L. (2005) Children, youth, and civic (dis)engagement: Digital technology and citizenship. Canadian Research Alliance for Community Innovation and Networking (CRACIN).

In this paper, Bell discusses the recent academic literature concerning youth civic engagement, and focuses on a number of issues concerning how children and young people are conceptualised, how youth citizenship and disengagement  is understood, and finally, how technology can and is being utilised to engage young people in civic participation. Bell also includes an extensive bibliography of contemporary literature about youth participation in civic life. She concludes by suggesting that young people are not suffering from civic disengagement; they participate in their own capacity and within their own communities. Those who are concerned about youth participation should change and refine their perceptions to adequately observe the objects of their inquiry.

Bessant, J. (2003) Youth Participation: A New Mode of Government. Policy Studies, 24.

In this article, Bessant controversially argues that programmes ostensibly designed to enhance the democratic participation of young people actually have the effect of extending the government's management of them. Through an examination of reports by Australian and British regional and national governments, the article shows that the idea of youth participation is often used to extend the governance of young people rather than genuinely engage them. Bessant concludes that youth participation is confined to specific issues that do not challenge the power of policy makers, and that the decision-making power of young people remains extremely limited despite the rhetoric of recent youth policies.

Bishop, R. (2003) Changing power relations in education: Kaupapa Maori messages for 'mainstream' education in Aotearoa New Zealand. Comparative Education, 39, 221-238.

This paper illustrates the ideas detailed in the highly influential book Culture Counts (2003), co-written by the same author with T. Glenn. Russell Bishop is Professor of Education at WaikatoUniversity and head of the Wilf Malcom Institute of Educational Research. This paper discusses indigenous Maori pedagogical and research approaches in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Of relevance to readers interested in youth participation is the discussion of the way 'deficit' notions of Maori student participation in the classroom are be challenged by an alternative model of "empowerment, co-construction and the critical importance of cultural recognition". This latter model places emphasis on young people's cultures as "sense making processes", and the paper notes that when these cultures are recognized as 'acceptable' and 'official' by teachers, new power sharing interactions and participation patterns can occur. This paper also illustrates Bishop’s wider arguments, which suggest Maori young peoples’ aspirations, motivations and experiences are better understood from a ‘somatic’ or ethically, spiritually and physically embedded research position than by a researcher from ‘outside’ who makes a summary judgment.

Blais, A., Elisabeth Gidengil, Neil Nevitte & Richard Nadeau (2004) Where does turnout decline come from? European Journal of Political Research, 43, 221-236.

This article examines the socio-demographic aspects of electoral decline in Canada, and utilises election analysis - derived from the Canadian Election Studies conducted between 1968 and 2000 - to explain the population characteristics behind declining civic participation in Canadian elections. The author’s begin their article with the fundamental question: “where does turnout decline come from?”, and focus on age and education as two primary variables that are central to contemporary civic participation literature. They continue with a detailed explanation of the methodology they employed to analyse a pooled data set of 25,000 individuals. The authors conclude by stating that within Canada, generational changes explain the decline in electoral participation, with the post baby boomer generations participating less than previous generations. They also note that higher educational achievement among the population slows electoral participation decline.

Blais, A., Massicotte, L. & Yoshinaka, A. (2001) Deciding who has the Right to Vote: a comparative analysis of election laws. Electoral Studies, 20, 41-62.

In this study of 63 nations, Blais et al. explore how democratic countries regulate the right to universal suffrage. It offers a summary of the institutional structures in place that enforce these decisions and highlights the debates around who should and should not have the right to vote. They look at seven possible issues surrounding this right: minimum voting age, mental disabilities, citizenship requirements, electoral district residence requirement, country resident requirement, citizens residing abroad and prison inmates. They note that in a large proportion of democracies only two of these restrictions have gained near consensus: voting should only be allowed from 18 years, and people suffering from severe mental illnesses should not be extended voting rights. The article highlights that many former British colonies have failed to follow the lead of Britain in regards to allowing overseas citizens to vote; only half of the studied cases (New Zealand included) have made this concession. Another of the authors’ conclusions is that “countries where political rights are perceived to be better protected have [marginally] fewer restrictions to the right to vote."

Carpini, M. X. D. (2000) Gen.com: Youth, Civic Engagement, and the New Information Environment. Political Communication, 17, 341-349.

Michael X. Delli Carpini, Director of the Public Policy Program of the Pew Charitable Trusts and former Professor of Political Science at Columbia University, examines youth disengagement from American civil society. Carpini argues that American youth are less trustful of other citizens, less interested in politics, lacking general pride associated with their American citizenship, and tend to be less knowledgeable about politics, less likely to vote, and less likely to participate in community decision making. The article discusses explanations for this disengagement from politics, including the lack of meaningful consultation with young people, the fact that civic groups and organizations are engaged in issues that are unrelated to those experienced by young people, the focus of American schools on volunteerism over political engagement, and lastly, the lack of civic information available to young people. Carpini asserts that the contemporary political environment has prevented people from actively becoming involved because of the privatisation of public interest, and the fact that the majority of people who are now in their 30s have never witnessed the impact of collective action. He concludes by discussing the rise and limits of the Internet in transforming political participation.

Checkoway, B., Allison, T. & Montoya, C. (2005) Youth Participation in Public Policy at the Municipal Level. Children and Youth Services Review, 27, 1149-1162.

This article challenges the view that young people are disengaged from public policy through a case study of the San Francisco Youth Commission. The authors describe the ways that the city's seventeen youth commissioners participate in public policy at the municipal level through a range of activities, including advocating policy positions at face-to-face meetings, making policy proposals, participating in public proceedings, and organizing social and political action, and explain how their participation contributes to the overall quality of municipal government. They assert that literature about young people's political involvement should emphasise their resources and efforts rather than their deficiencies and disengagement.

Costa, D. L. & Kahn, M. E. (2003) Understanding the American Decline In Social Capital, 1952-1998. Kyklos, 56, 17-46.

Dora L. Costa and Matthew E. Khan examine the widely perceived phenomenon of social capital decline within the United States, arguing that the claim that social capital is in decline has been over-stated. The authors examine how social capital is generated; consider how characteristics such as ethnicity, age, gender and income influence community participation; and outline how their empirical study measures the changing trends in social capital in America between 1952 and 1998. Costa and Khan conclude by stating that the decline in social capital that has occurred has been both inside the community and family home, and has been primarily associated with the entry of women into the labour force. The authors also cite growing income inequality and ethnic heterogeneity as responsible for declining rates of social capital within America.

Crick, B. (1998) Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools: Final Report of the Advisory Group on Citizenship. London, Qualifications and Curriculum Authority.

This significant report argued that citizenship education should be an entitlement of all children in England. Noting "worrying levels of apathy ignorance and cynicism", this report advocated encouraging active citizenship - learning skills and values, not just information. The emphasis in this pivotal report on citizenship education was on children learning socially and morally responsible behaviour, learning through community service and active participation, and learning skills and knowledge to make themselves effective in public life. The report identifies values, key concepts and skills and aptitudes for citizenship education and has been highly influential in encouraging citizenship education as participation and knowledge or political literacy.

De Winter, M. (1998) Children as Fellow Citizens: Participation and Commitment, New York, Radcliffe.

In this book, De Winter discusses the concept of citizenship and how it applies to children. He analyses how children are conceived as citizens in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, and investigates young people's participation in Dutch youth policy and the participatory activities of street children in developing countries as case studies. De Winter's key argument is that young people's civic participation is essential because it empowers youth to articulate their needs and learn the virtues required by modern citizenship, which he defines as responsibility, loyalty, independent judgement, solidarity, care and affection.

Dee, T. S. (2004) Are there civic returns to education? Journal of Public Economics, 88, 1697-1720.

Thomas S. Dee’s article empirically examines the hypothesis that education influences the political knowledge and civic engagement of adults, and also discusses the role of the government in providing state funded education. Dee utilises data obtained from the United StatesHigh School and Beyond longitudinal study to estimate the impact of college attendance on adult voter and volunteer participation, and then uses the data from the General Social Surveys 1972-2000 to estimate the effects of years of schooling on adult voting behaviour, group membership and attitudes towards freedom of speech. Dee thoroughly illustrates and discusses his methodology and includes an extensive bibliography on education and political participation. He concludes by stating that his research demonstrates that both high school and tertiary education has a large impact upon adult civic attitudes and behaviour, and that the role of government in providing education is an issue that still requires discussion.      

Denver, D. & Hands, G. (1990) Issues, principles or ideology? How young voters decide. Electoral Studies, 9, 19-36.

Denverand Hands examine what influences the choice of young British voters; issues, principle or ideology? The overall aim of the article is to gain a greater understanding of voters’ party choice, presenting arguments for and against models of “issue voting” and “principle and ideological voting”. They test their hypotheses using a survey questionnaire, given to 6250 young people in schools and colleges, soliciting positions on thirteen statements on topical political issues. Denver and Hands admit to the “idiosyncracy” of their participant group; they are predominantly well-educated and from middle-class families, potentially contributing to a misrepresentation of the data. With this in mind, the results imply a clear connection between issues and party choice and little substance to the claim that youth voter preference is based on “deep-seated political principles”.

Donovan, T., Bowler, S., et al. (2004) Social Groups, Sport and Political Engagement in New Zealand. Australian Journal of Political Science, 39, 405-419.

This article tests the contention that membership in voluntary associations makes citizens more engaged with democracy, using membership in sports groups in New Zealand as a case study. The study examines survey data collected from the New Zealand Electoral Survey of approximately 3000 respondents. The authors examine the relationship between group membership and various means of political engagement, including voting, participating in a political campaign, signing a petition, attending a demonstration, writing to a newspaper or calling a radio talk-back show, discussing politics with others, and participating in a product boycott. The article finds that membership in sports and other social groups is indeed associated with higher levels of political engagement, and that sports groups may play as great a role as gender, class, ethnicity or education in inculcating democratic virtues in New Zealanders.

Dunkin, M., Welch, A., et al. (1998) Teacher's Explanation of Classroom Events: Knowledge and Beliefs About Teaching Civics and Citizenship Teaching and Teacher Education, 14, 141-151.

This paper reports on a pilot study conducted in Australia that investigates the nature of primary-level teachers’ knowledge in the area of civics and citizenship education. The authors developed an experimental unit of work in civics and citizenship education, and assessed how the knowledge and beliefs of teachers affected the implementation of the unit in the classroom. Findings were based on innovative methods: video-documentation of the lessons, in-depth interviews with the teachers involved in the study, and focus groups with children from their classes. The authors conclude that there are seven major themes of knowledge and thought that occupy teachers’ minds when teaching civics and citizenship: (1) knowledge of content and resources; (2) knowledge of pupils; (3) pedagogical knowledge; (4) knowledge of community context; (5) management of time; (6) affective outcomes; and (7) control and discipline. They argue that these findings have important implications for teacher education and the development of teaching resources.

Egerton, M. (2002) Higher Education and Civic Engagment. British Journal of Sociology, 53, 603-620.

This paper considers the effects of tertiary education on the social and civic engagement of young people in the UK, using the British Household Panel Study. Egerton finds that the experience of higher education does have a small effect on young people’s involvement in civic organizations, but these differences probably existed prior to higher education and more likely reflect family influences. In particular, the paper finds that the children of professionals are the most likely social group to be involved in civic activities as teenagers and young adults.

Ester - Keen

Ester, P. & Vinken, H. (2003) Debating Civil Society: On the Fear for Civic Decline and Hope for the Internet Alternative. International Sociology, 18, 659-680.

In this article Peter Ester and Henk Vinken aim to widen and refocus civil society research and literature to include new technological changes which they argue have transformed the basic concepts and principles of political engagement and citizenship. Ester and Hink begin their article by discussing core social science concerns that have arisen with modernisation and modern Western culture, such as the weakening of community bonds and declining social capital, and continue by exploring weaknesses in both theory and methodology and the pessimism inherent in contemporary social science. The focus of the authors is on the new possibilities and fundamental changes that have occurred with the expansion of the Internet, which has created new social bonds, forms of communication and community participation. An extensive bibliography is included. Ester and Vinken conclude by challenging the alarmist characterisation of modern civil society. They argue that younger generations have different but not necessarily declining patterns of social engagement.

Fairbairn-Dunlop, P. & Makisi, G. (Eds.) (2003) Making our Place: Growing Up PI in New Zealand, Palmerston North, Dunmore Press.

This edited volume is significant in its groundbreaking documentation of children growing up and participating in New Zealand as members of New Zealand’s PacificIsland communities. The volume captures and records stories of people’s experiences of achievement, alienation and vulnerability and provides a significant insight into participation barriers and internal conflicts faced by many PI youth today. These stories discuss ways customs have evolved and dual responsibilities to family and state placed on many children who are first generation New Zealanders.

Fitzgerald, M. (2003) Easier Voting Methods Boost Youth Turnout. The Centre for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE).

Fitzgerald examines the way simple mechanisms such as the ability to register on Election Day substantially increased the likelihood of young people turning out to vote. In addition, the author also discusses the impact of alternative voting methods on mobilising political parties to contact potential youth voters. The alternative voting methods she incorporates into her studies include unrestricted absentee voting, in-person early voting, Election Day registration and mail-balloting. Fitzgerald contends that these approaches reduce the “cost” associated with participation.

Frisco, M., Muller, C. & Dodson, K. (2004) Participation in Voluntary Youth-Serving Associations and Early Adult Voting Behaviour. Social Science Quarterly, 85, 660-676.

This article investigates the effect of adolescent membership and participation in voluntary associations on early adult voting behaviour in the USA. The authors employ weighted logistic regression models using data from the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988-1994. Frisco and her colleagues find that adolescent membership in voluntary associations varies with race and socio-economic status, and civic participation in early adulthood is moderated by these variables. They conclude that membership and participation in voluntary associations positively predict voting patterns, but the relationship is less strong for teens from low socio-economic, African-American, Latino, or Asian-American families. The finding that not all youth benefit equally from participation is worrying, and neccessitates further investigation into how to increase the political involvement of marginalised citizens.

Gauthier, M. (2003) The Inadequacy of Concepts: The Rise of Youth Interest in Civic Participation in Quebec. Journal of Youth Studies, 6, 265-276.

In this article, Gauthier persuasively argues for the expansion of the concept of political participation beyond the confines of electoral participation. She challenges the limitations of traditional participation indicators, and describes the nature of contemporary youth political engagement in Quebec as a case study. The article contends that young people are not losing interest in politics and are in fact motivated to express their political views through means such as protest activism, volunteer work, membership in student associations, and targeted purchasing. Gauthier concludes that a new political generation is taking shape that established indicators of political engagement are failing to recognise.

Gerber, A. S., Green, D. P. & Shacar, R. (2003) Voting May Be Habit-Forming: evidence from a randomized field experiment. American Journal of Political Science, 47.

This article tests the assumption that voting in one election is likely to increase the propensity to participate again in the future, in an experiment involving 25,200 registered voters prior to a general election. When compared to the control group, the treatment group was significantly more likely to vote in the general election, proving the authors' initial assumption. Gerber et al. offer four hypotheses as to why habits form: (1) voting is self-reinforcing; (2) voting affects “broad psychological orientations” such as civic duty and political interest; (3) the practical act of voting informs the image, either positively or negatively; and (4) “[g]oing to the polls” strengthens an individual’s political “self-image” whilst abstaining has an almost reverse effect. The authors posit that the “estimated effects of habit” have proven substantive enough to warrant further research. Indeed, they contend that their research illustrates “the importance of taking long-term effects into account when assessing the behavioral consequences of campaigns” and warns of voting “decay” in the future if these issues are not adequately addressed.

Gibson, C. (2001) From Inspiration to Participation: A Review of Perspectives on Youth Civic Engagement. New York, The Grantmaker Forum on Community and National Service.

This report summarizes different perspectives on the issue of youth civic engagement, discussing the arguments of political scientists, educators, and youth development specialists. Gibson argues that despite a shared interest in promoting active citizenship, members of these various disciplines often overlook the contributions of the others because of their differing assessments of what should be done. She concludes that a multi-disciplined approach should be adopted that combines the best of what each discipline has to offer, and that interdisciplinarly collaboration should be encouraged. Gibson advises a hybrid approach to improving youth civic engagement, including longitudinal research, school-based civic education, civic training for teachers, improved democratic practices at schools, use of diverse media as learning tools and information sources for youth, and community-based civic education programmes.

Golombek, S. E. (2002) What Works in Youth Participation: Case Studies from Around the World. International Youth Foundation.

Edited by Silvia Golombek, this report addresses issues concerning youth participation from a global perspective. The report is qualitiative in nature, exploring what enables and inhibits youth participation through nine case studies of the achievements and challenges in making youth participation work. The case studies are drawn from a diverse range of countries: the Philippines, Brazil, Thailand, India, Argentina, Germany, Colombia, the Balkans and the USA. The report concludes that by working effectively at the local, national and international levels, and by linking people and organizations through new media, youth participation can contribute to more inclusive and democratic societies around the world.

Hayward, B. (2006) Public Participation. In Miller, R. (Ed.) Government and Politics in New Zealand. 4 ed. Melbourne, Oxford.

This chapter discusses declining public participation in New Zealand, and questions why young people and ethnic minorities appear to be disengaging from traditional politics. Hayward provides a literature review of research on political participation in New Zealand, and cites arguments relating to voter education, media coverage of politics, social capital, political mobilization and political opportunity as possible explanations for declining political participation amongst young people and ethnic minorities. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the likely consequences of declining public participation, and suggests that we need to act now to prevent groups with low levels of participation becoming silenced in the policy process.

Hayward, B., Donald, H., et al. (2006) Whakarongo mai! Listen to me! How young people talk about politics in New Zealand. Dialogue across difference: Governance in a multicultural era. AustralianNationalUniversity, Canberra.

This paper reports the way children talk about citizenship and politics in six focus groups and classroom observations of a large mid-decile bicultural and multicultural urban school.  The paper notes the way children in the bilingual unit talk about their community in terms of collective action. Children in the English medium classes tended to talk about their community in terms of their individual relationship to places. The study also noted surprisingly few shared spaces and opportunities to talk across difference outside of school or ‘hangout’ places. Children in the bilingual unit identified their iwi (tribe) as their next most significant community, while children of new migrant families nominated their immediate family and then country of origin. Other children nominated their neighbourhoods. The local school, hangout places and a local protest against closure of a community pool were identified as important because they were among the few shared political socialization experiences. While children could articulate citizenship rights when prompted, most children equated citizenship with ‘self help’ activities (picking up rubbish, eating healthily etc.).The children are described by the authors as ‘children of the market’ who could identify few communities or sources of support beyond their family. This study emphasized the value of school-based citizenship education and also raised questions about the future vulnerability of Maori and Pacific children in English medium programmes who do not have opportunities for political capacity building, or any child whose family is unable to provide support to meet their needs.

Higgins, J. & Nairn, K. (2006) 'In transition': choice and the children of New Zealand's economic reforms. British Journal of Sociology in Education, 27, 207-220.

This paper documents New Zealand’s rapid emergence as a late modern, neoliberal society. The research focuses on the ways that New Zealand young people born after 1984 develop their identities in the transition period from school to work within this neoliberal context. The paper identities a complex perception of expectations and risk held of young citizens. This complexity is reflected in a combination of traditional assumptions "(that the transition from school would be a straightforward, linear process) and late modern assumptions (about the construction of elective biographies through active choice)."

Hooghe, M. (2004) Political Socialization and the Future of Politics. Acta Politica, 39, 331-341.

This article is a survey of research primarily focused on the political attitudes and actions of young people. Hooghe mentions studies on the decline of voter turnout and civic engagement. He elevates the status of research into political socialisation, believing it to be vital to understanding evolving liberal democracies. He argues that there is substantial agreement within the discipline that this youth cohort group bear significantly different “political orientations” than previous generations, and this “generational displacement” will have long-term implications for political attitudes and participation.

Institute for Conflict Research (2006) Youth Participation in the Democratic Process.

This report investigates youth participation in Northern Ireland. It considers young people's views of elections and their perceptions of politicians, and discusses how young people might be better engaged in the electoral process. The study draws on qualitative and quantitative data, including workshops conducted with young people, focus group discussions and a survey of 1,100 youth which tested the findings from the workshops and focus groups. The key conclusion of the report is that while many young people are not interested in politics and find the subject area boring, they in fact feel passionate about the political issues that affect their lives. The authors conclude that young people want more education about politics, and feel that politicians need to respond better to the concerns of youth.

Iyengar, S. & Jackman, S. (2004) Technology and Politics: Incentives for Youth Participation. Working paper 24, Centre for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagment (CIRCLE).

This working paper discusses the contemporary under-representation of youth voter turnout within the United States. Iyengar and Jackman begin their discussion of technology and youth participation by outlining some of the reasons that may explain youth disengagement from politics, such as an apparent lack of relevance and more important life-cycle events, and briefly discuss the current approaches for mobilizing young people in civic society. According to the authors, civic education encourages the development of political attitudes but is insufficient to boost the turnout of young people in elections. Voter mobilisation campaigns boost youth turnout, but have little impact, and may even impede, the development of political attitudes and actions. The solution, according to the authors, is provided by the utilisation of technology to mobilise young people, allowing them to participate on their own terms. The article summarises an experiment conducted by the authors which involved mailing an interactive CD to 350 young people before the 2002 Californian gubernatorial elections, followed by a web-based post-election survey asking a series of questions concerning electoral participation. Iyengar and Jackman draw conclusions from their experiment that favour the use of technology to engage young people in politics, noting that those young people who received the CD participated at a higher rate during the election than a control group.

Jarvis, S. E., Montoya, L. & Mulvoy, E. (2005) The Political Participation of Working Youth and College Students. Working Paper 36, Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE).

The authors consider the political participation of working youth in the US, a group who have largely been ignored in previous studies of youth participation. The paper examines the types of political activities working youth engage in, compares their political attitudes and behaviours to youth attending college, and discusses several strategies that might increase their levels of participation. Results are based on a telephone survey of 1000 working young people between the ages of 19 and 23 that probed their political participation, political resources, psychological predispositions, social connectedness, schooling, work experiences and political opportunities. As hypothesised, Jarvis and her colleagues found that working youth report lower levels of political socialization and interest than college students, and are less likely to engage in political acts. However, they also found that political socialization was the strongest predictor of participation for young workers, and reccommend that this could be developed effectively during school years by employing best practices for civic education.

Jennings, K. M. & Stoker, L. (2002) Generational Change, Life Cycle Processes, and Social Capital. Citizenship on Trial: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Political Socialization of Adolescents. McGillUniversity, Montreal.

M. Kent Jennings and Laura Stoker examine the concept of social capital within the United States with the objective of illustrating long-term intergenerational changes and transformations in social trust and civic engagement. The authors used a three-generation longitudinal study with data obtained from a 1965 national sample of 1669 high school students who were resurveyed in 1973, 1982 and 1997, with some 935 participants surviving until the last survey date. The article begins by outlining the stated goals of the authors research: to provide new evidence that demonstrates the extent of change in social trust and civic engagement with a specific focus on the differences between Baby Boomers and Generation X; to disentangle life-cycle and generational effects; to assess whether social trust and civic participation are inheritable traits; to examine changes in the levels of trust and civic engagement among individuals over time; and to provide evidence for the interdependence of social trust and civic engagement. The authors argue that Generation X is primarily responsible for the decline in social trust and civic participation; levels of volunteering and group membership drop with early adulthood and slowly rise with middle age; and levels of social trust also decline with the transition to adulthood.

Kahne, J. & Westheimer, J. (2003) Teaching Democracy: What Schools Need to Do. Phi Delta Kappan, 85, 34-40, 57-66.

Kahne and Westeimer examined ten educational programmes within the United States school system that were designed to develop democratically active citizens, a function of the education system which, in the opinion of the authors, is being neglected in favour of employment and career skills. The paper argues many US children are 'self help citizens' who expect little support from government. It discusses the need to teach democracy, the problems inherent in only encouraging 'good citizens' through social volunteering, and lessons on how to foster students' interest and commitment in democracy. Later, the article summarises seven responses to the question: "what should teachers and schools do to educate good citizens?” The authors conclude by reiterating their belief that the best method to insure a healthy and secure democracy is by exposing school students to direct community participation, enhancing student knowledge, participation and conception of themselves as members of a community.

Keen, D. (2002) A Citizen of No Mean City. New Zealand Journal of Social Studies, 11, 17-22.

This article provides a survey of attitudes to citizenship education in eight Pacific Rim countries (Australia, Canada, Hong Kong, Indonesia, New Zealand, United States, Japan and Korea)  and classroom lesson plans regarding environmentally responsible citizens. These lessons had an emphasis on recycling and waste management. Keen argues that New Zealand teachers he surveyed revealed  a ‘Lockean’ view of the state, with strong emphasis on individual rights, placing emphasis on children learning personal responsibility, obedience to laws, concern for human rights and a willingness to tolerate diversity and respect property. Keen argued the 15 New Zealand teachers he surveyed could not identify any text book on citizenship education, but felt group work was an appropriate vehicle for teaching citizenship. The report concludes that the failure to provide teachers with resources "suggests a ‘policy vacuum" in New Zealand, likely to "suck away the sense of support the classroom practitioner is entitled to enjoy". The study also notes New Zealand teachers felt unresolved cultural tension in the wider population, and an already crowded curriculum, were problematic for teaching citizenship. The New Zealand teachers ranked teaching constitutional issues, and visible symbols of statehood (flag, anthem) as the lowest issues of significance of all countries. They felt organized religion and government had little influence on citizenship values. Instead, they emphasized the influence of family, friends and school as having a significant impact on children’s citizenship values.

Kerr - Murphy

Kerr, D. (2003) Developing Effective Citizenship Education in England: Using the IEA Civic Education Study to Infrom Policy, Practice and Research. AERA Conference Chicago, National Foundation for Educational Research (NFER).

This influential conference paper discusses the results of England’s participation in the two-phase International Association for the Evaluation of Education Achievement (IEA) Civic Education Study, a study that surveyed 90,000 14-year-old students and their teachers to examine how young people within democracies are prepared to participate civically. Kerr’s paper is divided into four parts: part one discusses citizenship and education within England; part two reviews England’s results from the IEA comparative study; part three outlines how the study results have been contextualised and utilised; and part four deals directly but briefly with the issue of how young people view citizenship and education in England. Kerr presents his paper in an easily accessible format, dividing each section into specific issues or topics and including a number of tables and charts detailing England’s performance in the IEA survey.    

Kerr, D., Lines, A., et al. (2002) England's Results from the IEA Citizenship Education Study: What Citizenship and Education Mean to 14-Year-Olds London, Department for Education and Skills.

This research paper examines the results of the participation of English 14-year-old school students in  the IEA International Citizenship Education Study. The report was prepared by the National Foundation for Educational Research and is broken down into user friendly sections which detail the performance and results of England's students, their civic knowledge, attitudes towards civic institutions and social groups, their political activities and associations and the role of teachers and school-based civic education programmes. The findings suggest that while the students have an understanding of democratic values, the depth of understanding is limited; civic engagement is better promoted in schools that employ democratic practices; students are sceptical of traditional forms of political participation; and there are minimal gender differences in civic knowledge.      

Kirlin, M. (2003) The Role of Adolescent Extracurricular Activities in Adult Political Participation. Working Paper 2, Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE).

This report is an in-depth literature review on the relationship between adolescent participation in extracurricular activities and adult political engagement. It draws on research from the disciplines of political science, psychology, sociology and education in the United States spanning several decades. Kirlin notes that research on adolescent participation tends to be either very new or quite dated, with clusters of studies occuring over the past five years and in the seventies and eighties. The report concludes that research consistently shows that the relationship between adolescent extracurricular activities and adult participation is strong, but we cannot be sure about the specific causes of this relationship. Kirlin argues that future research should be comprehensive, longitudinal and interdisciplinary in nature to further our understanding of adolescent civic socialization.

Kirshner, B., Strobel, K. & Fernandez, M. (2003) Critical Civic Engagement Among Urban Youths. Penn GSE Perspectives on Urban Education, 2.

This article considers youth's perspectives on their social and political environments, and how this is related to their emerging civic awareness and involvement. The study is unique in that it uses interpretive methods - qualitative interviews, group projects and fieldwork carried out at an after-school program - to find out how young people reason about their surroundings and the relationship of this to their civic attitudes. The authors find that young people are critically aware of their social and political environments, and that this can positively influence their civic awareness if they have opportunities to influence change. Lacking such opportunities, critical awareness could lead to apathy rather than empowerment. The study also suggests that participatory action research has strong potential as an educational strategy for promoting citizenship, through imparting skills such as teamwork, problem-solving, public speaking and reflective thinking.

Levinson, M. (1999) Liberalism, Pluralism, and Political Education: Paradox or Paradigm? Oxford Review of Education, 25, 39-58.

Levinson’s article discusses the contemporary return of academic and political theorists to civic participation and the citizen foundations of liberal democratic states, with the specific objective of developing a coherent curriculum for liberal political education. She begins by outlining the characteristics of the liberal state and the type of citizens that liberal states need to develop to maintain themselves, and continues by discussing the need to continue to develop citizens with autonomy and the impact of liberal values and education on traditional values and religious communities. Throughout her article, Levinson considers the work of theorists such as Amy Gutman, John Rawls and Will Kymlicka. She concludes by stating that democracies should embrace liberal political education despite the impact on other social, cultural and political structures.

Macedo, S., Alex-Assensoh, Y., et al. (2005) Democracy at Risk: how political choices undermine citizen participation, and what we can do about it, WashingtonD.C., Brookings Institution Press.

This book offers a selection of writings from respected political scientists concerned with the decrease in civic engagement in the United States. It delivers a variety of opinions on the causes of and solutions for low voter turnout and the changing forms of political participation. It includes chapters on citizenship, the US electoral process, modern America, nonprofit and philanthropic organisations, and a conclusion based on the need for democratic revitalisation and reform. It dismisses accusations that its articles are partisan, arguing that it is crucial that trends of decline be addressed in creative ways. While this book looks at ways of addressing declining US public engagement outside the classroom, there are a number of issues about youth civic engagement canvassed in its extensive index.

Matthews, H., Limb, M. & Taylor, M. (1998) Young People's Participation and Representation in Society. Geoforum, 30, 135-144.

In this article, the authors argue that children occupy a marginalised position in society and discuss the appropriateness and capablility of children to participate. Children's participation and representation in the UK is examined and compared to the situation in other European countries, including Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Romania, Spain, Sweden and Switzerland.  The article reviews existing literature on youth participation and analyses the organisational structures that facilitate the participation and representation of children in the countries covered by the study. The authors argue that within the UK young people are not given the respect or listened to with the seriousness they deserve, but well-established participatory structures for children operate at a grassroots level in continental Europe. The authors conclude that the UK has much to learn from the experiences of other countries regarding children's participation.

Mattson, K. (2003) Engaging Youth: Combating the Apathy of Young Americans Towards Politics. New York, The Century Foundation.

This substantive report argues that political apathy is "endemic" in younger generations in the US and discusses possible solutions. Mattson explains how youth political disengagement fits into American history and political culture, basing his analysis on existing literature as well as interviews with college students about their political attitudes. He concludes that youth apathy about politics is a multi-faceted problem that requires a wide set of responses, including improving the quality of civic education at school, incorporating voluntary public service into civics education, providing mentors for young activists, pursuing campaign finance reform, expanding voter registration programs and opening up political debates to third-party candidates. Mattson's report is unique in that he draws sharp attention to the impact of the context of American politics on youth political apathy, arguing that political corruption and the rightward drift of political debate since the 1980s have driven many young people away from politics.

May, S., Hill, R. & Tiakiwai, S. (2004) Bilingual Immersion Education: Indicators of Good Practice. Wilf Malcolm Institute of Educational Research, University of Waikato for the Ministry of Education.

This report provides an overview of national and international approaches to bilingual and immersion education. Of relevance to the reader interested in youth political participation or citizenship education is the discussion of the social effects of bilingualism. This paper suggests additive bilingual education, where children are bilingual by choice and bilingual education is highly valued in the school environment, encourages children’s sense of self esteem. In contrast, subtractive bilingualism, where the student’s first language is not valued in the school, contributes to the erosion of a child’s sense of cultural identity and lowered self esteem. The report quotes the National Education research unit’s 2001 report and a study by Bishop, Richardson, Tiakiwai and Berryman (2001) which noted that teachers in effective, additive Maori immersion language learning environments were able to: create caring and respectful learning environments, cooperative and non-confrontational behaviour management, and promote student’s understanding of tino rangatiratanga or self determination in their learning strategies and power sharing.

McCluskey, M. R., Deshpande, S., et al. (2004) The Efficacy Gap and Political Participation: when political influence fails to meet expectations. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 16, 438-455.

This article examines the nature of individual efficacy, and the distinction between how much influence a citizen has and how much they ought to have according to their own judgments. In the view of the authors "these two perceptions affect various modes of participation", and have significant impacts on individual political participation. They begin by asserting that “[d]emocratic societies, by their very definition, expect citizens to participate in the process of self-governance”. The article provides an explanation of “individual and collective participation”, focusing on efficacy, alienation and cohort influences. It presents a selection of interpretations of political efficacy, “evaluations of actual citizen efficacy, evaluations of desired citizen efficacy and the gap between actual and desired efficacy” but contends that scholars have failed to adequately identify its “subcomponents”. The survey uses data from 657 randomly-assigned telephone interviews. Results indicate that there is a clear distinction between actual and desired efficacy and that efficacy is a useful tool for calculating individual political behaviour, but is less able to predict collective action.

McDevitt, M., & Steven Chaffee (2002) From Top-Down to Trickle-Up Influence: revisiting assumptions about the family in political socialization. Political Communication, 19, 281-301.

These authors position themselves within a "growing number of theorists" who are calling for a revival of research on political socialization based on the premise that children are active in their own civic development. They develop a model of family communication "that reverses the roles of parents and children as conventionally understood in political socialization. Adolescent children are not merely receptive to political stimulation; they possess the power to transform patterns of family communication in ways that benefit themselves and their parents." The authors identify a “trickle-up influence” in which child-initiated discussion – stimulated by a civics curriculum – "prompts the parent to increase her civic competence via increased news media use, knowledge gain, and opinion formation."

McDevitt, M. & Chaffee, S. (2000) Closing Gaps in Political Communication and Knowledge: effects of a school intervention. Communication Research, 27, 259-292.

This study focuses on the phenomenon of “knowledge gaps” within political communication, concentrating on “primary-group interaction” in contrast to the usual method of exploring “macrostructural or microindividual processes”. It reveals a “flow of influence” within social groupings and identifies concepts like “political contagion” that occur within most family units. McDevitt and Chaffee accept that many other projects concerned with stimulating robust citizenship centre on the individual, but deem the family as a pivotal force in the development of political attitudes and the acquiring of political knowledge. They believe the potential for children to politicise their homes is largely under-researched and underestimated. In addition, the article dispels some of the myths associated with the embedded nature of political behaviours. This study found that “politically-activated” students often instigate an increase in parental engagement with politics and, therefore, improve political knowledge; however, the authors also admit that parent-child discussions on politics are relatively rare.

Meirick, P. C. & Wackman, D. B. (2004) Kids Voting and Political Knowledge: narrowing gaps, informing votes. Social Science Quarterly, 85.

Meirick and Wackman assess the value of the Kids Voting programme, a US strategy intended to educate children about politics and improve their political socialisation. They found that the initiative contributed to a general reduction in “knowledge gaps”, which they propose may strengthen the democratic process if delivered to “low-knowledge citizens”. The authors acknowledge the limitations of their work: they lacked a control group, non-adult participants do not always give consistent data, the subjects were drawn from one district, and they had “no basis in statistical logic to generalize [their] findings”. Yet they also refer to how their conclusions reflect other studies based on political knowledge and socialisation. The study indicates that “political knowledge works in much the same way for adolescents as it does for adults” in that it provides them with the tools necessary to make informed political decisions. Long-term studies are needed to gauge whether this political aptitude accompanies the children into adulthood.

Menezes, I. (2003) Participation Experiences and Civic Concepts, Attitudes and Engagement: Implications for Citizenship Education Projects. European Educational Research Journal, 2, 430-444.

This article investigates whether the participatory experiences of secondary school students affect their attitudes towards citizenship and the nature of their political engagement as adults, and considers implications for the development of citizenship education projects. Menezes draws on findings from the IEA (International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement) Civic Education Study, which surveyed high school students in the Czech Republic, Norway, Portugal, Slovenia, Sweden and Switzerland about their participation activities, citizenship concepts, and political trust. She finds a positive impact of the frequency of participation on civic concepts and political engagment, but argues that the quality of participation is more important than the quantity. In terms of citizenship education, Menezes concludes that participation in clubs and organizations is a powerful learning tool, but should be intentionally designed and systematically supported to improve the quality of the participatory experience, and therefore the impact on the student's civic-mindedness and propensity to participate as adults.

Michelson, M. R. (2003) Mobilizing the Latino Youth Vote. The Centre for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE).

Michelson's paper addresses the fact that the voter turnout for Presidential elections among Latinos is less than a third of eligible voters, and that this figure is even less for young Latinos aged between 18 and 25 years old. She also presents the results for a field experiment in California aimed at increasing the turnout among young Latinos. Her research “consisted of a door-to-door nonpartisan get-out-the-vote drive for the…2002 general (gubernatorial) election in Fresno, California”. Eighty canvassers from a variety of ethnic backgrounds were employed to conduct the experiment. This work reiterates some earlier assumptions that indicate “Latinos are most effectively mobilized to vote by Latino activists”. Indeed, Michelson reveals that her “findings are dramatic, and substantively large”: young Latino voters contacted by door-to-door canvassers are more likely to vote, those targeted by Latinos are more likely to be contacted and Latinos are more likely to vote is someone asks them. For the author, the lack of this type of support explains the low turnout rates for this ethnic group.

Milner, H. (2005) The Phenomenon of Political Drop-outs: Canada in Comparative Perspective. Annual Confrence of the Political Science Association. Leeds, U.K, Political Science Association.

In this paper, Milner compares the declining electoral participation of young people in Canadian elections with the contemporary trend of electoral absenteeism among young people throughout the established democracies of the globe. Milner, like many other social science theorists, is concerned with the trend of non-voting among young people because of the belief that young people are more likely to become permanent non-voters if they fail to participate in the first election that they are eligible to vote in. Milner believes that the civic participation literature fails to distinguish between the informed non-voting habits of young people and young people failing to vote during elections because they do not possess the basic civic skills required to make an informed choice. It is the latter that Milner focuses on here. He examines a variety of issues, including the protest habits of young people, their political knowledge, the role and function of institutions that facilitate and prepare them for civic association, the voting age, and the roles of the media and civic education - issues which have a combined influence upon whether young people participate civically or not within society. Milner argues that more effort must be exerted in targeting young people with civic education programs before they are eligible to vote to prevent them from becoming non-voters in the future. The paper is accompanied by an extensive bibliography on youth civic participation and voting.

Murphy, J. B. (2004) Against Civic Schooling. Social Philosophy and Policy Foundation, 21, 221-265.

In this extensive article, James Bernard Murphy challenges the universal practice of teaching civic education within the school system, and describes the practice as both ineffective and a violation of the civic trust that underpins the public school system in the USA. Murphy’s article begins by discussing the educational response to the September 11 terror attacks, and the political conflict that developed between Liberals and Conservatives in response to the content of the civics lessons that were being taught to American students. While Murphy acknowledges the significant role that the school system has in teaching civic knowledge and promoting civic participation, he argues against the use of the school system to foster civic motivation.

Mutch - Southwell

Mutch, C. (2002) Citizenship Education in New Zealand: A Case Study. New Zealand Journal of Social Studies, 11, 8-16.

This article details observations about how citizenship education is taught in a New Zealand classroom. The paper summarizes five ways to define and teach citizenship based on Gilbert 1996: citizenship as status (teaching responsibilities and rights); citizenship as identity (exploring membership in groups, cultures and individual beliefs); citizenship as a democratic ideal (modeling values for democratic leadership and social justice); citizenship as public practice (teaching rules, laws and organization procedures); and citizenship as participation (in making decisions, resolving differences and managing resources). Mutch identifies how these visions of citizenship education are currently embedded in the curriculum and details the way a primary school teaches citizenship through teachers and principal as role models, use of teaching devices such as classroom contracts and participation in education outside the classroom (e.g. group decision making and activity on school camps).

Mutch, C. (2005) Confident, Informed and Responsible Citizens: By What Means? In Benson, P. & Openshaw, R. (Eds.) Towards Effective Social Studies. Palmerston North, Kanuka Grove Press.

In this book chapter, Carol Mutch reviews the ways citizenship education was taught in the New Zealand social studies curriculum of 1997. She identifies multiple ways the curriculum implicitly aims to prepare ‘confident, informed and responsible citizens’ through social, culture and heritage, place and environment, and time strands. She compares this implicit and integrated approach to the ways citizenship is taught in England and Wales, the United States, Australia and Hong Kong. The paper concludes with a useful case study detailing the way two teachers teach citizenship education in a New Zealand classroom: Mutch identifies ways these teachers model liberal democratic values in their interactions with children (e.g. in the way they speak to children and the use of class contracts) and use school camps to teach ways of living together and resolving conflict.

Norris, P. (2002) Democratic Phoenix: Reinventing Political Activism, Cambridge, CambridgeUniversity Press.

In this substantial book Pippa Norris, of HarvardUniversity's John F. Kennedy School of Government, argues that political participation is not declining as much as evolving. The methods, actors, targets and groups are changing, and political science needs to understand the political motivation and participation channels of young voters.

Olssen, M. (2001) Citizenship and Education: from Alfred Marshall to Iris Marion Young. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 33, 77-94.

This article by Mark Olssen discusses the philosophical approach and rationale behind educational policies within New Zealand, where universality and equality characterised the approach of the welfare state until the 1980s, and education was defined as both beneficial to society and the public and a right accorded to citizens. Olssen’s article begins by discussing the philosophical literature concerning citizenship, the role and function of the state and education, according to authors such as Alfred Marshall, T.H. Marshall, and Iris Marion Young. Olssen discusses the neo-liberal conception of citizenship and the relationship between citizenship, Maori, and refugee groups within New Zealand. Olssen’s article provides the reader with a detailed and concise discussion of the foundations of modern citizenship and education, as well as its antecedents.

Openshaw, R. (2005) What can a forty-year-old report on Social Studies tell us about Social Studies teaching and learning today? New Zealand Journal of Social Studies, 13, 9-14.

In this journal article for teachers and education researchers, Roger Openshaw, Professor of Education History at MasseyUniversity, reviews a neglected report from 1966 by R. Chapman-Taylor for the New Zealand school inspectorate on social studies teaching in Auckland intermediate schools. That report detailed the objectives of the social studies curriculum in the mid-1960s and analyzed class room teaching experiences and delivery. Openshaw argues the report is highly significant as it underscores the challenges social studies faces in preparing children for a global community and dealing with racial division, the need to reflect Maori identity and related political implications. The fact that the 1966 report was critical of the inspectorate, and consequently not widely circulated, is also instructive of the ongoing difficulties social studies teachers and administrators face in teaching citizenship in a politicized environment.

Orr, S. & Hoover, M. (2005) Youth Political Engagement: why "Rock the Vote" hits the wrong note. Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. Washington, D.C.

This article examines and discusses the theories surrounding the non-voting habits of youth voters in the United States. Of particular concern is the strong possibility that young voters will exclude themselves from voting later in life. The authors begin by stating the pattern of decline being experienced throughout Western liberal democracies which “puts the very legitimacy of the democratic system at risk”. They refer to the two main explanations for this trend within youth: “life cycle” and “generation” theories. Life cycle adherents believe that young people will become more politically engaged as they mature, whereas supporters of the “generational” view regard the development of “attachments to the political process” at a young age as critical. The paper is particularly focused on examining responses to address weak youth voting habits through the "Rock the Vote" (RtV) campaign. Orr & Hoover note how “[y]outh music and politics have long been associated although much of the emphasis has changed from message to marketing”. However, they also acknowledge RtV as a consumer-oriented strategy. They argue that this type of marketing strategy is unlikely to seriously influence youth voting or engagement.

Phillips, J. A. (2004) The Relationship between Secondary Education and Civic Development: Results from Two Field Experiments with Inner City Minorities. Working Paper 14, Centre for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagment (CIRCLE).

Phillips' short article provides a brief overview of his doctoral dissertation that investigated the relationship between secondary education and civic development. The article begins by outlining the author's use of two field experiments with inner city American high school students to assess whether practical participation within the community affects the behaviour and civic knowledge of the students involved. This experiment represents a further attempt to examine the poorly understood, though widely discussed, connection between education and active political participation. Phillips tests the hypothesis that students from an ethnic minority possess less political knowledge and participate less than white students. Included in the article is an executive summary of the results of both of his experiments, which involved 260 junior and 207 senior students. The research suggests that in the United States, young people will positively engage in volunteer work, but stay clear of political participation. In contrast to other studies (Crick 1999), this author argues that involvement in student organisations concentrating on real world problems did not significantly enhance civically-minded development.

Print, M., Saha, L., and Edwards, K. (2005) Youth, Political Engagement and Voting. Youth Electoral Study. Sydney, Australian Electoral Commission.

This report is the second in the Australian Youth Electoral Study, which attempts to determine the reasons why young people are less likely to enrol to vote than older groups, and what motivates young Australians to vote. The report discusses the involvement of young Australians in protest activism, their support of new social movements, and participation in school elections and student governments, and correlates this involvement with intention to vote. The authors conclude that a wide range of political activities experienced during adolescence can have beneficial effects on attitudes towards voting and other forms of adult political behaviour, and advise that schools can help facilitate adult political participation by promoting democratic practices and values.

Print, M., Saha, L. & Edwards, K. (2004) Enrolment and Voting. Youth Electoral Study. Sydney, Australian Electoral Commission.

This report is the first in the Australian Youth Electoral Study, which attempts to determine the reasons why young people are less likely to enrol to vote than older groups, and what motivates young Australians to vote. The study includes a literature review, case studies drawn from focus groups, and a national school survey of Australian secondary school students with a sample size of approximately 4600. 'Enrolment and Voting' looks specifically at young people's attitudes towards enrolment and voting, and also investigates the connection between pro-voting behaviour and social and psychological variables. The report concludes that a large number of young Australians feel they lack the knowledge to make an effective decision about voting, and high schools should play a greater role in preparing young people to be effective citizens.

Rotolo, T. & Wilson, J. (2004) What Happened to the "Long Civic Generation"? Explaining Cohort Differences in Voluntarism. Social Forces, 82, 1091-1121.

Researching from the North American experience, Rotolo and Wilson examine Robert Putnam’s generation hypothesis, which suggests that the generations that experienced both the Great Depression and Second World War were exceptionally civically minded, and they have been succeeded by generations of citizens who lack their civic and political values, which has resulted in declining rates of political and electoral participation. The authors discuss trends in volunteering, outline generational theory, and suggest factors that predict the likelihood that an individual will participate as a volunteer, such as education, occupation and family roles. The authors test the generational theory in the volunteer behaviour of two groups of women who participated in the National Longitudinal Survey (NLS) of Labor Market Experience, a survey that began during the 1960s. The survey asked young woman (14-24 years old) and mature woman (30-44 years old) questions relating to their volunteer behaviour. Rotolo and Wilson assert that the overall amount of volunteering among women has not changed, but the types of volunteering opportunities available have changed due to the structural changes within society. The authors acknowledge the limitations of their research in illuminating generational or cohort differences in civic participation.

Rubenson, D., Blais, A., et al. (2004) Accounting for the Age Gap in Turnout. Acta Politica, 39, 407-421.

This article seeks to explain and elucidate the reasons for the gap in electoral participation in Canada between citizens under and over 30 years of age. It begins by outlining the decline in electoral participation in Canada since the Second World War, and continues with an analysis of the socio-demographic variables among citizens (such as their gender, ethnicity, education, and income) as factors influencing efficacy and propensity to vote. The authors conclude by stating that the declining electoral participation during the 2000 Canadian federal elections is mainly due to the abstinence of the youngest cohort of voters. The authors state that the relationship between non-voting and cynicism does not stand up to scrutiny, with levels of political cynicism higher among older generations, who actually participate more during elections than young people.

Russell, A., Fieldhouse, E., et al. (2002) Voter Engagement and Young People. UK Electoral Commission.

Prompted by the low turnout of 18-24 year-olds at the 2001 general election, this report investigates a number of key issues concerning electoral engagement and young people. The report draws on data from the 2001 British Election Survey, the British Constituency Dataset, and survey research from the UK Electoral Commission. Topics covered by the report include reasons for voting and not voting; youth attitudes towards elections; perceptions of politicians and political parties; and youth communication strategies. There is also a useful discussion of the problems faced in conducting survey research on voting and non-voting. The authors conclude that although young people are not disinterested in politics, they have low opinions of politicians and political parties. They discuss possible changes in voter registration and education, suggesting that youth turnout could be increased if politicians listen more closely to young people.

Saha, L. J. (2004) Prosocial Behaviour and Political Culture among AustralianSecondary School Students. International Educational Journal, 5.

In this article, Lawrence J. Saha (AustralianNationalUniversity) uses data obtained from 1311 Australian secondary school students who participated in the second Schools, Work, and Politics Project to investigate their prosocial behaviour and the relationship and correlation between pro-social behaviour, such as volunteering, and elevated understandings of political culture and knowledge among young people. He concludes by stating that prosocial activities and school programmes have a positive impact on the development of political values and culture in young people.

Sandell, J. & Plutzer, E. (2005) Families, Divorce and Voter Turnout in the US. Political Behaviour, 27, 133-162.

This paper examines the impact of family life on political attitudes and participation. The authors argue the effect of divorce is large amongst white families in the USA, depressing voter turnout by up to 10%. Drawing on 1988 data from the National Education Longitudinal study, they argue that divorce can rival parents' educational attainment as an important impact on voter turnout; arguing the loss of income, residential mobility and effects on education that can result from divorce increase the chances that citizens will not vote.

Shea, D. M. (2004) Throwing a Better Party: local mobilising institutions and the youth vote. The Centre for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE).

The author is concerned with the “shrinking number” of Americans who show no interest in the political process, especially young people. The main objective of this paper is to examine the role of local parties in encouraging voter turnout.  It examines the “vibrancy” of political parties at the local level and their efforts to connect with young voters and mobilise youth participation, noting that involvement at this stage is often a motivating force for further political participation. To this end, the paper focuses on three key strategies for engaging with youth: “the need for innovation”, “getting hip” and “getting connected”. The author concludes that traditional means of promoting engagement are no longer satisfactory and new approaches, such as constructing politics as “hip” and connecting with youth activities, are needed to present politics as relevant and exciting. By addressing these shortcomings, the author suggests that political parties can step up to their fundamental role in limiting disengagement.

Simon, J. & Merrill, B. D. (1998) Political Socialization in the Classroom Revisited: the Kids Voting program. Social Science Journal, 35.

This article by Simon & Merrill examines the merits of the Kids Voting Program which was delivered to 2.3 million American students in 1994. The aim of this civic education initiative was to “increase student awareness and intellectual involvement in the 1994 election, and to use these students to get additional adults to vote in larger numbers [than] they would have in the absence of the program”. The study involved a random survey of 24,976 respondents. The authors acknowledge the role that schools play in political socialisation, along with the family, peer groups and the media. However, the decline in turnout within the US since the 1960s has caused the effectiveness of “schools and other socialization agents” in encouraging greater political participation to be questioned. Results of this study reveal that the Kids Voting Program had a variety of positive effects on the students and their parents, including greater political awareness and enthusiasm, coupled with higher turnout figures for adults in areas where students were involved with the course.

Smith, A. (2005) Research Forum on Children's Views of Citizenship: Cross Cultural Perspectives: An Introduction and Overview of Results (Symposium on Children and Young People's Views on Citizenship and NationBuilding). Childhoods 2005. Oslo, Norway.

In this paper, Anne Smith, Head of the Children’s Issues Centre at OtagoUniversity, Dunedin, New Zealand provides an overview of international research into children’s views of what constitutes good citizenship. She notes that children can define citizenship as participation rights (choosing friends, being respected, expressing opinions, being listened to), protection rights (against bullying, free of drug and alcohol abuse, protection against sexual or racial abuse) and provision rights (parental care, sustenance, education, healthy environments and play opportunities, access to employment). Of particular interest to New Zealand readers is research reported in this paper by Nicola Taylor of AucklandUniversity. Taylor argues New Zealand children are able to articulate their rights, and her study identified a group of girls aged 14-15 who were able to give quite detailed discussion about citizenship rights. Smith also argues that New Zealand media has raised the profile of advocacy of children’s rights by non governmental organizations. Smith notes most countries reported that children could identify individual citizenship responsibilities although they were less sure of collective responsibilities. 

Soule, S. (2001) Will They Engage? Political Knowledge, Participation and Attitudes of Generations X and Y. Active Participation or a Retreat to Privacy. Center for Civic Education, Calabasas.

In this paper, Soule provides an account of the political knowledge, participation and attitudes of Generations X (those born between 1965 and 1978) and Y (those born after 1978). The paper draws on a range of cross-sectional surveys conducted in the United States. Soule finds that Americans born after 1965 are less informed about public affairs, less interested in politics, and less politically involved than previous generations, and that their levels of political trust are particularly low. She also argues that the decline in political participation in Generations X and Y is more pronounced amongst those with lower levels of education and income, exacerbating existing inequalities in representation and participation, and concludes that longitudinal studies are needed to determine which factors will motivate Generations X and Y to engage in politics.

Southwell, P. L. (2003) The Politics of Alienation: Non-voting and Support for Third-Party Candidates Among 18-30-Year-olds. The Social Science Journal, 40, 99-107.

This article examines possible reasons why young people choose to abstain from voting during US elections, and the phenomenon of third-party protest voting - into which, according to the author, alienated young people vent their disenchantment with the formal political choices available to them by voting for candidates that are unlikely to win. The article utilises data from the 1992 and 1996 American National Election Study to empirically examine the hypothesised relationship between alienation and political behaviour. It challenges the ‘preoccupation’ hypothesis, in which young people are too interested in other life events to become involved in civic activities such as voting, instead suggesting a need to consider the concept of conscious voter abstinence. The research examines the impact of ethnicity, age, education, gender, partisan intensity and party contact on voter turnout. It concludes by preliminarily stating that third party candidates can emerge within elections and mobilise disenchanted youth towards voting.

Stanley - Wilson-Kelly

Stanley, J. W. & Weare, C. (2004) The Effects of Internet Use on Political Participation: Evidence from an Agency Online Discussion Forum. Administration & Society, 36, 503-527.

The relationship between Internet use and political participation has been cited by many academics and government officials for its ability to provide citizens with greater access to information and an enhanced ability to participate directly in the political decisions affecting their lives. However, several studies have concluded that the Internet has failed to live up to its potential, and it is this negative assessment of the Internet as a force for civic mobilisation that Stanley and Weare challenge. They examine the relationship between Internet use and political participation through a government agency experiment with a web-based discussion. Of specific interest to the reader is the extensive literature review covering the impact of the Internet and new forms of communication technology on citizen participation in politics. The authors conclude that the Internet can have a positive effect on citizen participation, providing a platform that opens up issues for deliberation and debate to new participants.

Stoll, M. A. (2001) Race, Neighbour Poverty, and Participation in Voluntary Associations. Sociological Forum, 16, 529-557.

The paper begins by acknowledging the renewed interest in the role of voluntary associations in contributing to the enhancement of social capital and the democratic process. By examining racial differences in participation, the authors aim to assess whether African-Americans are involved more often than other ethnic groups when the “influence of neighbourhood condition” – regarded as a significant variable for participation in voluntary associations – is considered. Their findings indicate that African-Americans continue to “over-compensate for their disadvantaged position in society by participating in more voluntary associations than other groups”. Moreover, the results illustrate participatory disparities amongst other ethnic groups, suggesting that ‘race’ is still an important factor when assessing participation in the US. However, Stoll contends that living in poverty neighbourhoods has a negative effect on participation as group disenfranchisement, coupled with fewer resources and opportunities, can also have a notable impact on political involvement.

Stolle, D. & Hooghe, M. (2004) The Roots of Social Capital: attitudinal and network mechanisms in the relation between youth and adult indicators of social capital. Acta Politica, 39, 422-441.

Stolle and Hooghe’s study investigates how adolescent experiences can potentially influence adult civic attitudes and networks. It takes the assumption that social relations contribute to the adoption of social values, but argues that the scope of this type of research is usually restricted to adulthood. The authors find “the relation between youth and adult participation…to be significant and relatively strong”, but they do not include information on what events particularly shape youth attitudes and help cultivate a sense of “generalized trust”. They emphasise the need for longitudinal data, starting from early childhood, to evaluate the lasting effects of factors such as youth socialisation, civic education, institutional experiences and upbringing. Stolle and Hooghe posit that a variety of “youth experiences” explicate “adult social capital indicators”. They conclude that in order to effectively study social capital it is essential that researchers employ a long-term interpretation rather than one merely incorporating adult circumstances.

Strama, M. (1998) Overcoming Cynicism: Youth Participation and Electoral Politics. National Civic Review, 87, 71-77.

Strama's article discusses young people's cynicism toward politics in America, based on his personal experiences working with young people through the 'Rock the Vote' organization. His key argument is that while young people are skeptical of political parties, frustrated with the political system, and distrustful of politicians, they are far from apathetic about politics. Strama found that young people do care about social and political issues, and often participate in volunteer work, but will not vote because they believe politics is corrupt. The article also considers how youth voter turnout might be increased, discussing how changes in voter registration, polling proceedures, campaign finance reform and the introduction of alternative party candidates might help restore young Americans' faith in the political process.

Torney-Purta, J. (2000) Comparative Perspectives on Political Socialization and Civic Education. Comparative Education Review, 44, 88-95.

This article begins with a comprehensive summary of international studies on political socialisation conducted from the 1950s to the 1990s. Torney-Purta’s objective is to assess common themes from these collective works, insisting that “[m]ost important is the newly invigorated debate about what civic identity means and how formal and informal institutions contribute to it during late childhood and adolescence”. For her, schools remain an important aspect of this process. In the author’s opinion, the books examined provide the “comparative educator” with useful information on civic education. She suggests the study of political socialisation is in “transition to a new and more satisfying set of conceptual models and ways of understanding influential social conditions.”

Torney-Purta, J. (2001) Civic Knowledge, Beliefs About Democratic Institutions, and Civic Engagment Among 14-Year-Olds. Prospects, 31.

This significant article discusses the extensive research project conducted by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) on young people. The research project  involved 90,000 14-year-olds around the globe, and tested their understanding of the societies of which they are members, and the roles their respective education systems play in the process of civic education. The article gives a detailed description of the methodology employed and examples of cross-national differences observed. Conclusions are divided into civic knowledge, civic engagement and civic attitudes sections.

Torney-Purta, J., Barber, C. H. & Richardson, W. K. (2004) Trust in Governement-related Institutions and Political Engagement among Adolescents in Six Countries. Acta Politica, 39, 380.

This article examines how trust affects the political socialization of children and adolescents. Using data collected in the 1999 IEA Civic Education Study of 14-year olds, the authors examine trust amongst adoldescents at three levels; trust in  government institutions, trust in schools, and trust in other people. Levels of trust are compared in six democracies with varying levels of political stability: Belgium, Bulgaria, Chile, Colombia, England and the USA. The relationship of trust to voting, conventional political participation beyond voting, and community participation is examined. The article concludes that levels of trust relate to democratic stability in the six countries considered, and that a 'threshold' of trustworthiness is required in a political system in order to foster political and civic participation in young people.

Tuhiwai Smith, L., Boler, M., et al. (2002) 'Do you guys hate Aucklanders too?' Youth: Voicing difference from the rural heartland. Journal of Rural Studies, 18, 169-178.

This paper examines the ways young people in rural communities talk about what it means to be a young person at the end of the twentieth century in New Zealand. The paper reports on a Marsden research project by Professor Tuhiwai Smith of Maori and Indigenous Education at AucklandUniversity which reports on the results of focus groups and “Youth Tribunals” conducted over three years amongst New Zealand young people from diverse social and ethnic backgrounds. The research method itself also aimed to foster participation by beginning researchers. The results suggest rural young people, like many New Zealand young people, feel they are “not being listened to” but there are very clear differences between rural Maori and Pakeha youth attitudes to place and identity.

Vowles, J. (2000) Evaluating Electoral System Change: the case of New Zealand. International Political Science Association. Quebec City.

This paper aims to examine the shift from FPP (First Past the Post) to MMP (Mixed Member Proportional) electoral systems in New Zealand. Vowles begins by providing a brief history of the transition, outlining the context in which it occurred and identifying the main arguments for and against the change. He addresses pertinent issues including voter comprehension of MMP, the degree of support after two elections under this system and whether the reality of MMP has matched the rhetoric expounded by its supporters. He finds that “[v]oter understanding under MMP…is less than perfect” but suggests this may have been equally applicable under plurality. He links data indicating waning support for MMP with the largely unanticipated coalition arrangement that arose from the first election under this system. Vowles' work reveals that many citizens are as yet unsure about whether the introduction of MMP has been a positive move as it is still relatively new, stating that there is convincing “evidence that perceptions about MMP are still in flux.”

Vowles, J. (2004) Civic Engagment In New Zealand: Decline or Demise. Inaugural Professorial Address. Auckland.

Vowles documents the decline in voter participation, identifies the need for an ongoing national database and challenges Norris' argument that public participation is merely transforming. He argues the decline is significant and voting is the way in which the electorate conveys its preferences to select the government of the day.

Vromen, A. (2003) 'People Try to Put Us Down...': Participatory Citizenship of Generation X. Australian Journal of Political Science, 38, 79-99.

This article explores the participatory citizenship of young Australians. Vromen's findings are based on a telephone survey of approximately 300 18 to 34 year-olds which probed the range and depth of respondents' participatory experiences. The key finding of the article is that the participatory activites of young people are surprisingly diverse, covering acts such as attending demonstrations, boycotting products, contacting elected officials, joining a sports, religious or community group, and taking part in an activist movement. Vromen concludes by proposing  four participatory typologies for 18 to 34 year-olds: activist, communitarian, party and individualistic, which she argues reflect the diversity of young Australians' involvement and prove that Gen X-ers are not homogenously apathetic, selfish, materialistic or cynical.

Weber, L. M., Loumakis, A. & Bergman, J. (2003) Who Participates and Why? Social Science Computer Review, 21, 26-42.

This article examines whether the Internet mobilizes or demobilizes citizen participation in public affairs, using Survey2000, an Internet-based social scientific survey conducted in 1998 at NorthwesternUniversity. It provides a comprehensive literature review detailing the sociological research that has already been conducted on the ability of the Internet to enhance the efficacy of citizen participation. The authors conclude that the internet does have a positive impact on the political efficacy of citizens; however, they also state that it exacerbates the socio-economic inequalities and biases present within society, which help to determine the civic and political participation of citizens.

White, C. & Openshaw, R. (Eds.) (2005) Democracy at the Crossroads: International Perspectives on Critical Global Citizenship Education, Boulder, Colorado, Lexington Books.

This significant series of international case studies is edited by Massey University Professor of Social and Policy Studies, Roger Openshaw and Associate Professor Cameron White of Houston. The text critiques the concept of global citizenship and contains useful chapters by John Cobb, Hugh Barr and Carol Mutch which document the evolution of citizenship education in New Zealand, noting: the influence of neo liberal values and social control (Cobb); the relationship between citizenship education and voter turnout and the contested nature of citizenship (Barr); and a historical overview of the ways the New Zealand curriculum has fostered global citizenship and the emergence of social justice (Mutch).

Wilson-Kelly, N. (2006) Young women voters in Aotearoa New Zealand: what makes them tick? The political opinions and efficacy of first-time women voters in New Zealand. School of Political Science and Communication, University of Canterbury.

This honours essay reports on the results of three focus groups of young first-time female voters in New Zealand, including tertiary students, working women and Maori and Pacific women aged 18-24. The study reveals all women were influenced by their family and school to vote, despite the fact that they perceived politics to be ‘unfeminine’ and conflictual. The essay discusses the role of the media and the way the Pacific and Maori women appeared to be most socialized into political action. Other women said they were not interested in politics but when prompted could discuss many issues that were relevant to their lives but which they did not immediately associate as political issues. The role of the family, peer groups and school in overcoming political inefficacy and media images of politics is emphasized in this study.